29 November 1787
Sir, In my former observations on your speech, to your fellow-citizens, explanatory
and defensive of the new constitution; it has appeared, by arguments to my judgment
unanswerable, that by ratifying the constitution, as the convention proposed it, the
people will leave the liberty of the press, and the trial by jury, in civil cases, to the mercy
of their rulers–that the project is to burthen them with enormous taxes, in order to raise
and maintain armies, for the purposes of ambition and arbitrary power–that this power
is to be vested in an aristocratic senate, who will either be themselves the tyrants, or
the support of tyranny, in a president, who will know how to manage them, so as to
make that body at once the instrument and the shield of his absolute authority.–Even
the Roman Emperors found it necessary to have a senate for this purpose. To compass
this object, we have seen powers, in every branch of government, in violation of all
principle, and all safety condensed in this aristocratic senate: we have seen the
representative, or democratic branch, weakened exactly in proportion to the
strengthing the aristocratic, or, what means the same thing, and will be more pleasing
to your ear, Mr. Wilson, the republican branch. We have seen with what cunning the
power of impeachment is apparently given to the representative of the people, but
really to the senate; since, as they advise these measures of government, which
experience has shewn, are the general matters of impunity the executive officers will be
sure of impeachment when they act in conformity to their will. Impeachment will
therefore have no terrors, but for those who displease or oppose the senate.
Let us suppose that the privy councils who advise the executive government in
England, were vested with the sole power of trying impeachments; would any man say
that this would not render that body absolute; and impeachment to all popular
purposes, negatory? I shall appeal to those very citizens, Mr. Wilson, whom you was
misleading, for the propriety of what I am going to observe. They know that their
constitution was democratic–that it secured the powers of government in the body of
the people. They have seen an aristocratical party rise up against this constitution, and
without the aid of such a senate, but from the mere influence of wealth, however
unduly obtained, they have seen this aristocracy, under the orignatical title of
republicans, procure such a preference in the legislature, as to appoint a majority of the
state members in the late convention, out of their body. Had such a senate, as they
have now proposed, been part of your constitution, would the popular part of it, have
been in effect more than a name. Can your fellow citizens then doubt that these men
planned this senate, to effect the very purpose which has been the constant object of
their endeavors, that is to overthrow the present constitution. And can you, O citizens of
Philadelphia, so soon forget the constitution which you formed, for which you fought,
which you have solemnly engaged to defend–can you so soon forget all this, as to be the
willing ministers of that ambition, which aims only at making you its footstool–the
confirmers of that constitution, which gives your aristocratic enemies their wish, and
must trample your state constitution in the dust. Reflect a moment–who wish to erect
an aristocracy among you–Mr. Wilson and his party; who were your delegates in
framing the constitution now proposed to you–Mr. Wilson, and his party; who
harangues you to smooth its passage to your approbation–Mr. Wilson; who have you
chosen to approve of it in your state convention–Mr. Wilson.–O sense where is your
guard! shame where is your blush!
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